Cooperative-Harmonious Global Democracy from the Perspective of Chinese Culture 

Xu Jiajun, Ma Ben and Peng Zongchao

Tsinghua University, Beijing

Global democracy can be conceptualized around the traditional Chinese thinking of Minben (‘people-oriented governance’, or ‘governance for the people’) and Hehe (‘cooperative-harmonious thoughts’). Minben highlights the distributive justice that should lie at the heart of global democracy. Globalization should not only serve the interests of a few elites or rich countries, but also should benefit marginalized groups. Hehe provides a basis for dealing with diversity in the era of globalization. Its core premises include: (a) that respect for diversity is a prerequisite of co-existence; (b) that diversity does not necessarily lead to conflicts; and (c) that a constant process of mutual construction among key stakeholders will transform potential conflicts into harmony, where different actors (both governmental and nongovernmental) find common ground to complement each other.

From this conceptual perspective, we propose that global democracy can be concretely enacted through a pragmatic process of institutional innovation involving the cooperative efforts of all stakeholders in a global society that seeks equitable and sustainable human development. Thus the proposed framework rests on three main pillars. Normatively, stakeholders in the global society approach one another as ‘different but harmonious’. Procedurally, the stakeholders engage in a constant process of evolving new institutional mechanisms for their cooperation. Substantively, this cooperation is geared towards a common goal of equitable and sustainable human development.

This approach, developed from Chinese traditions, differs in important respects from prevailing mainstream ideas of global democracy. The hegemonic version of cosmopolitanism, fashionable especially in the West, thinks of global democracy in terms of (a) normatively, a clear and compelling set of universal principles; (b) procedurally, a fixed set of political institutions; and (c) substantively, the inevitably positive practical consequences of those norms and procedures. With its premise of universalism, mainstream cosmopolitanism has ruled out the possibilities of alternative democratic institutions and ignores the need for intercultural dialogue.

To avoid this pitfall, people should detach themselves from their original normative and procedural assumptions (which are unavoidably confined by their own cultural and empirical biases) and open their minds to cross-cultural learning. In this way, a hegemonic prescription of global democracy from the West can give way to an ongoing cross-cultural investigation of potential forms of global democracy for the effective solutions of existing and emerging global challenges.

Our proposed definition of global democracy seeks to overcome these limitations. On the normative side, it emphasizes the significance of cross-cultural exchange, rather than taking for granted the validity of any preordained democratic principle, Western or otherwise. Such dialogue might reveal, for instance, that neither ‘liberal democracy’ nor ‘authoritative democracy’ deserves priority over the other, because both fail to resolve the tension between individual liberty and collective interests. Intercultural deliberation reminds each party to be self-reflective of its own values in order to avoid advocating them as universal standards and aspirations.

On the institutional side, the concept of global democracy developed here highlights the necessity of institutional innovations and refuses to accept the legitimacy of any fixed arrangement, including those today that have been inherited from an earlier time. Faced with unprecedented new problems in the era of globalization, it is of paramount importance to enhance institutional renewal. In particular it is important to shift away from zero-sum thinking about ‘national interests’ to a focus on the provision of global public goods and to shift away from state-centric institutions to multistakeholder arrangements. Such a reorientation could prompt significant reconstruction of existing global governance institutions and the creation of new global agencies for previously neglected policy areas.

On the substantive side, the touchstone of global democracy should be how globalization can yield equitable and sustainable development. To be specific, globalization should not merely cater to vested interests, but also benefit the poor; globalization should go beyond short-term gains to achieve long-term prosperity. Admittedly, the notion of development is open to diverse, and even conflicting, interpretations, but a more intercultural and institutionally innovative approach can, in the spirit of Minben, help to bring the voice of the disadvantaged to the forefront.

In our full paper we illustrate the fruits of this proposed approach to global democracy through an analysis of World Bank development assistance in China. In normative terms the case study suggests that adherence to the spirit of Hehe transformed the aid relationship between the World Bank and China from one marked by suspicion to one of trust, which helps both sides identify their different ideas, perceptions and interests and ultimately make such differences complement each other. Institutionally, this relationship of equal and mutual trust has been built on cooperative mechanisms, such as trust building, information sharing, and capacity building, in order to achieve flexible and creative institutional developments. Substantively, the democratic aid relationship between the World Bank and China has helped to reduce poverty and enhance equitable and sustainable development in China.

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